{"id":67814,"date":"2021-02-06T06:11:00","date_gmt":"2021-02-06T05:11:00","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.sonnenseite.com\/?p=67814"},"modified":"2021-02-06T14:59:29","modified_gmt":"2021-02-06T13:59:29","slug":"the-new-systems-reader","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.sonnenseite.com\/en\/tips\/the-new-systems-reader\/","title":{"rendered":"New Systems \u2013 A Reader"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

The recent Corona pandemic has made the question of economic, social and ecological transformation ever more urgent. Truly addressing the problems of the 21st century requires going beyond small tweaks and modest reforms to business as usual \u2013 it requires \u201echanging the system\u201c. An illuminative and provocative book has appeared on the topic – a first assessment by Professor Udo E. Simonis.<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

James Gustave (\u201eGus\u201c) Speth, one of the editors of this new book, became world-renowned by several of his functions: as founder of the World Resources Institute, as Aministrator of the United Nations Development Programme (UNEP), as Dean of the Yale School of Forestry and Environmental Studies. But he also is a talented author, particularly shown with his books \u201eRed Sky at Morning: America and the Crisis of the Global Environment\u201c, 2004, and \u201eThe Bridge at the Edge of the World: Capitalism, the Environment, and Crossing from Crisis to Sustainability\u201c, 2008.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The crisis has become more visible and dangerous since. So, Speth started \u201eThe Next System Project\u201c, launched by \u201eThe Democracy Collaborative\u201c with the support of more than 300 scholars and activists to promote systemic solutions for an age of systemic crisis. This project combines research, understanding and strategic thinking with on-the-ground organizing and development experience to promote visions, models, and pathways for a \u201enext system\u201c \u2013 a system capable of delivering economic, social and ecological outcomes superior to those of the failed systems of the past and present.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Together with Kathleen Courrier Gus Speth has now published the first book of the project: In 7 parts and 29 essays they have assembled 38 top systems thinkers and activists (mostly US-Americans) to offer a multitude of possible paths toward a better future for the people and the planet.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

They start with some philosophical moments: \u201eSystems have a way of making us forget they exist\u2026.To understand that a system exists is to imagine the possibility of it being otherwise. To further understand that the system is fundamentally flawed is to imagine the possibility of someting much better \u2013 a new system\u201c (p. xx).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

But what does it really mean to \u201echange the system\u201c? The editors primary goal is to dispel the deadly notion that nothing can be done \u2013 that today\u2018s corporate capitalism as we know it is the best, and in any case, the only possible option. Fortunately, they say, many alternative visions exist, buttressed by the work of individuals and increasingly sophisticated networks of reserach and reflection. These proposals map out potential futures for us to consider. And they lead to the conclusion that the current corporate capitalist system can be superseded by a system that is equitable, green, democratic and just.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The second main goal of the editors is to carefully study and present the rich diversity of systemic visions, and also to look for the choices on the road to synthesis. This is so as all the thinkers and activists enlisted in the book start from a similar recognition of the current system, but all end up somewhere with differing suggestions and priorities. The pathways they identify also vary considerably \u2013 from local self-regulation to top-down reconstruction, from the rewiring of values to the rewiring of ownership. There are many alternatives \u2013 so which one to go for? The editors wanted to learn what questions are at stake in this choice \u2013 and asked the authors to pay regard to this request.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

For the reviewer it is impossible to present all the visions, models and pathways dealt with in the 29 essays of the book in detail. A short, condensd presentation of the main ideas should suffice.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Part I is on \u201eSocial Democracy and Radical Localism\u201c. It features three approaches to building a different economy. The authors propose visions grounded in significant reforms that stop short of a truly revolutionary transformation. But they offer different structures based on governing principles different from what we generally see today.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The first essay draws inspiration from the Scandinavian countries, and models \u201esocial democratic capitalism\u201c. In this model system, government should play a key role in improving economic and living conditions, and minimizng inequality. The details of that role include a progressive income tax to cover the cost of a safe \u201eincome floor\u201c for the less well-off.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The second essay also posits a social democratic system but with a mixed economy. The production and sale of some goods would happen in a profit-seeking market while vital public goods (such as healthcare services) would not. The author calls for prioritizing enligthened politics over economic interests, and for embracing diverse ownership models.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In the third essay, the author proposes radical localism to create \u201ea million utopias\u201c. Pointing to the case of highly decentralized Switzerland, he argues that a compelling direction for systemic transformation of a country is through the principle of subsidiarity, in which decisions are made closest to the people \u2013 at the state and local level. Open markets coupled with robust antitrust enforcement would keep enterprises \u201ediverse, small, and competitive\u201c. The strongest argument for decentralisation as a path to systemic change, the author ends, is that in many countries in the world it is happening already.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Part II of the book is on \u201eNew System Values\u201c. Five essays explore how values can and should shape system design and outcomes. The first one offers a plan for an \u201eethical market economy\u201c: By focusing on increasing the quality of life, promoting human dignity and rights, and ensuring ecological responsibility and social justice, the two authors argue that the economy can truly serve the public good. To assure that goal, they propose a \u201enew bottom-line\u201c: Instead of adoring the gross domestic product (GDP), a \u201ecommon good product\u201c should measure quality of life, the meeting of basic needs, and environmental stewardship.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The second essay presents a model of a \u201ecivic economy of provisions\u201c to ensure that all people would have access to food, housing, healthcare, and education.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The third text looks at the study of \u201erelational dynamics\u201c, not between dualities, such as capitalism and socialism, but between a \u201edomination\u201c model and a \u201epartnership\u201c model. The partnership model is characterized by democratic decision-making rather than authoritarianism, by gender equality rather than the subordination of woman, and by an end to all kinds of violence.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The next essay contrasts a \u201esuicide economy\u201c with a \u201eliving Earth economy\u201c. The suicide economy estimates life only for its market value and prioritizes profit over community and social well-being. Its \u201emoney is sacred\u201c story pervades economics, law and democracy. Instead, \u201elife is sacred\u201c is centerd in the \u201eliving Earth economy\u201c. Emphasizing these values, the author calls for a system transformation that shifts power from global corporations to self-reliant and deeply democratic, self-governing, bioregional communities.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The final essay in this part of the book offers a dispatch from the future in \u201eEarthland\u201c. Set in the year 2084, the world has emerged from a period of various crises and has moved to a radically different system where resilient economies constrain markets to function under compassionate social norms and strict environmental rules. Politically, \u201eEarthland\u201c is organized through constrained pluralism, based on the principle of subsidiarity \u2013 a recognition of globalism (\u201eOne World\u201c) with a parallel focus on local diversity (\u201eMany Places\u201c). As futuristic tales often do, this essay offers readers \u2013 offered me \u2013 words from the future to give hope to the present. (\u201eAnother world was possible\u201c.)<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Part III of the book is called \u201eA Planetary Economy\u201c. Its four essays offer a wide range of possibilities to \u201eflourish on a finite planet\u201c. A basic question is whether capitalism is up to the task of combining broad prosperity with environmentral sustainability. \u201eNot in its current stage\u201c \u2013 all the authors agree. But how different the economies of the future must be is a matter of heavy debate.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The authors of the first essay outline the need for a new ecological macroeconomic model that accurately reflects the real economy\u2019s structure, takes full account of the ecological and resource constraints, and incorporates a consistent description of the financial economy. Adopting that model would mean changing the kind of enterprise, the purpose of work, the structure of investments, and the operation of the debt-based money and finance systems. Elements of such a system, it is pointed out, already exist in places like farmers\u2019s markets, and various kinds of cooperatives.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The second essay tackles the framework of measurement by which the economy is steered and controlled. Instead of using \u201egross domestic product\u201c to measure economic progress, the author calls for a \u201edashboard\u201c of indicators to measure the well-being of people, taking into consideration the negative effects of pollution and wastes, and the benefits coming from housholds\u2018 work, small businesses and non-profit organizations.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201eToward Democratic Eco-socialism as the Next World System\u201c is the title of the third essay, probably the most provocative vision of the book. The author describes a system that takes into account the fragility of the planet and its limited resources through equitable distribution mechanisms. It would emerge through \u201esystem-challenging reforms\u201c that address the historical failings of both capitalist and socialist societies. Key features of the model include public ownership of the means of production and a representative and participatory democracy, and a strict distinction between \u201egrowth\u201c and development\u201c. Eco-socialism would aim to meet people\u2019s basic needs, protect the environment and create a high degree of social equality.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In the last essay the author challenges the notion that \u201egreen economy proposals\u201c and \u201edegrowth strategies\u201c alone can save us from global ecological collapse. Instead, six theses make up the heart of the proposed system for saving the planet: substantial cuts in fossil fuel consumption; a \u201edignified\u201c and sustainable living standard for all; production of goods that are durable, rebuildable, recyclable, and shareable; investments in public needs, including renewable energy, infrastructure, and public education; systemic approaches to managing waste and toxics; and assurances of quality jobs for displaced workers.  <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Part IV is on \u201eOwnership and Economic Democracy\u201c. Three essays explore options for bringing the economy, the government, the financial sector, and the workplace under democratic control. The first model presented has neither capital markets nor labor markets in the usual sense. Workers would control their own jobs and workplaces, while productive resources would become the collective property of society, and investment decisions would be under social control. The framework of the model includes a right to employment, reconstruction of the financial sector, an entrepreneurial sector to drive innovations, and a social tariff to encourage fair trade between nations while discouraging race-to-the-bottom trade deals. Transitioning to a non-capitalist system requires changing the who and the why of economic decison-making. In view of the author, creating Worker Self-Directed Enterprises (WSDEs) represents both the goal of a new system and the mechanism for reaching it.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

While these two models focus on worker ownership, the tird one examines public ownership as a way for workers, consumers, and citizens to participate in economic decision-making and exercise community control over resources. Seven different types of public ownerships are explored on how they could be strategically incorporated across a country. Public ownership of oil production in Norway and renewably energy in Denmark exemplify this model.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Part V is on \u201eCommunity-Based Pluralist Systems\u201c. Our current economic system, the authors remind the reader, was built for speed and efficiency \u2013 without much respect for building community, cultivating beneficial interactions, and ensuring that industrial metabolism doesn\u2019t rend our social fabric and damage the planet. The essays in this part of the book therefore delve into ways on which system change should evolve from the basic relationships we want to have and the communities we want to build. Arguing for a \u201epluralist commonwealth\u201c the first essay asserts that the central challenge of the emerging era is building community \u2013 exemplified in democratization of wealth, decentralization, and democratic planning.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The aim of the essay by Gus Speth, one of the editors of the book, is two-fold: He deplores the \u201ejoyless economy\u201c we are in, and asks for a radically new system to create and sustain joy. Joy comes not from money but from \u201eother people\u201c. We flourish in a setting of warm, nurturing, and rewarding interpersonal relationships \u2013 in giving, not getting. Speth\u2019s \u201enew America\u201c would be more democratic, designed to encourage and sustain human solidarity, devoted friendship, and meaningful accomplishments, structured to ensure that economic benefits are shared equitably and commited to sustaining the natural environment for current and future generations. Speth asserts that more and more Americans are discussing the need for a \u201egreat and just transition\u201c. (The reviewer especially enjoyed the pages on \u201eThe Environmentalist\u2019s Tale\u201c, pp. 254-258, a critique and self-critique of environmentalism in the US).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The following essays describe a system of interlocking, grassroots solidarity, the \u201esolidarity economy\u201c as a global system, and cooperative economic democracy based on principles of \u201eresilience\u201c, particularly on diversity, modularity, and redundancy. Practical examples of such innovative models are quoted from North-America, Europe, and Latin America.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Part VI is called \u201eCommoning, Cooperation, and Participatory Planning\u201c. Neither the capitalist economy nor the authoritarian planned economy allows for a third possibility: an economy shaped not by the whims of moneyed or state interests, but by the shared concerns and aspirations of the people. The authors in this group of essays imagine the ramifications of the transformation when people become a decisive economic power.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The first essay explores the scope and role of the \u201ecommons\u201c, as a starting point for envisioning an alternative to neoliberal capitalism. The author argues for an expansive definition of what is in the commons. No \u201etragedy of the commons\u201c<\/p>\n\n\n\n

needs to arise to justify privatization. Rather, commons-based new systems could be many, and could be flexible enough when controlled by communities and responsive to their needs.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The next author emphasizes the social control of capital in his call for a pluralist \u201ecooperative commonwealth\u201c based on the principles of economic democracy. In such a system new information and communications technology could enhance an emerging \u201egenerative democracy\u201c that mirrors the ethos that has given the world such digital common resources as Wikipedia.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Two more essays present ideas on improved participatory planning. The authors state that the participatory vision does not assume a population of omniscient and morally saintly people. Simple structures could enable and facilitate community-serving results, but there is also the possibility to installing special stakeholder councils. The author ends with a really imaginative conclusion: \u201eWe must convince the majority that ordinary people are perfectly capable of managing economic affairs \u2013 without either capitalist employers or political commissars to tell us what to do\u201c.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Part VII is on \u201eThe Emerging New Economy\u201c. Around the world, new economic systems are not just futuristic ideas mused upon in sophisticated essays and debated in universities. They are already being built right now. The authors of the essays in this final part of the book number among those builders.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Arising from a feminist critique of political economy that rejects its features of dominance and subordination, the authors of the first essay write about their work around the globe, and present their vision of \u201ecommunity economies\u201c. More than a dozen worldwide projects illustrate how these collective actions work in practice, what their successes are and how their problems are solved through internattional communication. Two authors write about their \u201esolidarity economics strategies and practises\u201c that range from the establishment of community land trusts and production cooperatives that offer training in digital fabrication.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In another essay, three members of the Boston Ujima Project make reparations the focus of their vision: Reparation, they understand, is not simply compensation for the labor stolen, lives taken, and opportunities lost to institutionalized racism. Members of Boston\u2019s working-class communities of color therefore work together to identify economic development priorities and to allocate finance through a participatory process, designed to favour the historically marginalized and impoverished.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In the last essay, a member of the Tanzanian Parliament offers lessons from the country\u2019s experiences after then-President Julius Nyerere in 1967 issued the landmark \u201eArusha Declaration\u201c which put forward an African socialist vision.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

For many years, Tanzania followed its precepts, with strict government control of the economy. But then, external events and internal missteps brought the economy into crisis. By 1986, the country accepted bailout terms set by the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank which demanded the large-scale privatization of the Tanzanian economy. With privatization came the \u201eforeignization\u201c of outside private capital, and the De-Industrialization when that capital chose to leave the country. In 2015, the new government issued the \u201eTabora Declaration\u201c, a call for a return to the principles of the Arusha Declaration in a 21st-century context.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

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\u00a9 routledge.com<\/a><\/figcaption><\/figure><\/div>\n\n\n\n

Some conclusions: Its nearly impossible to appraise this voluminous book with a few sentences. It is certainly a treasure of innovative, illuminative and provocative \u00eddeas, with compelling alternatives that promise an egalitarian, humane, and sustainable future. It thus could play an important role in system change. It is a must-read for all interested in models for a better world. As a European I would really like to see a similar book on the overdue debate on system change in Europe.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

However, a critical judgement could be that the book is just to laborious to become politically relevant. We certainly would need a shorter and cheaper version to reach the young generation, the \u201eFriday for Future\u201c movement. A more serious question regarding its political relevance is when and where to start system change; in which way should and must individual visions and pathways be interconnected? Is drastic or peacemeal procedure more promising? Some readers of the book (and of this review) may even think: Is it more than only a little utopian? Here I would answer with a word by Gus Speth, the editor: \u201eUtopian vision is precisely what today\u2018s situation requires. Things are so bad that there is no room for pessimism\u201c (p. 53).<\/p>\n\n\n\n